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          The Brief Biography of the Union of Burma (Part 1) location Map of Myanmar Map of the Union of Burma(Myanmar' former name) The Brief Biography of the Union of Burma (Part 1) By/Young Tai March 3 , 2006 : The Sunday discussion program (11th Feb, 2007) for the 60th anniversary Union Day of Burma on DVB by the title of “why we dare not mention the word Federalism” becomes one of the most interesting topics and it gives us more thoughts for further discussion [Ref# 1]. This regards the ideas of genuine union or genuine federalism for the Union of Burma that almost all ethnic politicians and some Burmese politicians and observers view and analyze with optimism, as paramount to reform of the Union of Burma. The discussion points are hitting the exact target of the problem of Burma. As an expert elder said, there are only three kinds of constitutional system of a country, Unitary, Federation and Confederation. The constitution under a Union country can only be a federation or a confederation. It must not be as unitary. But almost all observers believed and thought widely that the leaders of the military coup regimes such as Ne Win, Than Shwe and so on did not accept the Federal System for the country because they don’t understand any theory of Federalism. They only understand Federalism is secession. If they accept the federal system, the Union country will break up into pieces. So, to save the Union from disappearing into an abyss the military regime have taken the obligations to “save” the country and overthrow the federal proposals and have to coup the democratic government power that they are unable to act and practice so. So that many observers only understand and followed because the military regime gave their “special” reason every time for their coup. So, the theory of union and the way of saving the union in the Union of Burma of the Burmese dictatorship regimes became opposite in meaning and surprised all peoples. But after we have learned the core facts of the collective history of the formation of union of Burma, we shall not believe and have a thought that the leader of the coup military regime and some top Burmese governors and politicians didn’t understand the theory of Federalism and misunderstand the meaning of Federalism for their coup. Even if they really did not understand and accepted misunderstanding, it might be right for the first coup in 1962 because it was still new in world politics. But it is not right for the second coup to overthrow the results of 1990 election. And today, SPDC still cannot accept Federalism and it is not because they still don’t understand the theory of Federalism and misu 室內設計nderstand secession, because that is impossible for today’s human knowledge. It is only just pretending ignorance about genuine federalism. The reason that SPDC can’t accept the Federal system is not more than because they dislike this system. It is not because they don’t know its real meaning. So here, why federal system can not be established in Union of Burma until today becomes an interesting question. Let us together find the possible answer. The aspect and the principle of the condition of Burma today was created in 1940 by the sixteen Burmese comrades (Myanma tha mine wun thwe thawk ye baw se chawk u). These sixteen comrades mixed their blood in a cup and vowed to conquer with their top secret policy in Bangkok before independence when they endeavoured to fight against British colonial rule. The contents of the top secret policy are as follows:-All the land area under the sovereign of British governed must be reached in the hands of Burmese and become the sovereign of Burmese govern only. All the economic in future Burma must only be in the hands of Burmese citizens only. All administrations and defences of the country must only be the voice and the sign of Burmese citizens. High education. High economic. High defence, these parts are deeply important things and must not be in the hands of the ethnic nationalities. To erase and clean the ethnic minorities. Mixed blood policy. Everyone countrywide must be taught to speak Burmese and have Burmese names. Burmese culture, movies, opera, etc. must reach every part of the country. Burmese citizens must extend and relocate to all regions among the hill people. Burmese monks must be travelled for religious propagation to the hill peoples and teach them sermons. They must collect the orphans and send them to Burma (lowland) to every pariyati schools, then teach them language, religion, ideology and culture of Burmese. *from "Vicatara Loka Dipani" by Htao Puen Murng (Lung Khun Maha) So after the end of WWII, when General Aung San and the delegation of the Burma executive council arrived in London having discussed all the matters affecting the future relations between Great Britain and Burma with prime minister Atlee which the people of Burma may achieve their independence, he also claimed to Atlee that he also acted as representing the delegation from the frontier areas too. But he failed, Atlee didn’t accept his claim because he had already learned by telegram from the leaders of the Federated Shan States that reached his hand in time, that General Aung San did not represent any frontier areas 結婚peoples. But at last, he achieved the bargaining point of agreement with Atlee. Annexe II gives an extract from the Aung San – Atlee Agreement. But in Panglong Conference which began since 3rd Feb, 1947 for Shan leaders and Shan State Council, the consequence of the first Panglong Conference in March 1946, General Aung San when he arrived in the Conference on 10th Feb also faced the difficulty again in dealing with Shan State leaders to join the Union with Burma proper because of the case of mutual understanding and the sake of guarantee for future for smaller race. At last, General Aung San have to give with a great controversial investment ‘the right of secession’ for mutual understanding for Shan State and take the immediate cooperation from Shan State to join the Union. Thus, the ‘Panglong Agreement’ narrowly went through on 12th Feb,1947. Then, Union of Burma was gained successfully in the form of Federal Union and the Union constitution was drawn up.The obsessive Democratic Federal Union and with “The right of secession” BUT only after ten years of cooperation. What will happen in this ten years period? By nature or by invention? Writing in ‘Shan State Affairs’ [Ref# 2], Chao Hso Hom said: “The Constituent Assembly was convened on the 10th June 1947. With regard to the formation of a Union or Federation, draft proposal No. 2 of the Directives presented the merest outline. But the Shans had put their trust in General Aung San, and he was the type of leader who kept his promises. Unfortunately, the National Leaders headed by General Aung San were assassinated on the 19th July 1947. Among his six colleagues who were killed with him was Chao Sam Htun, the Chaofa of Mong Pawn State, the Councillor for the Frontier Areas and the Representative of the Shans on the Governor’s Executive Council. The representatives of the Shan State committed themselves to achieving Independence.”Khun Kya Bu of Hsipaw wrote “If 19th July 1947 is the blackest day for the both Burmese and Shans alike, the next day was no less blacker. Zao Zarm Htun, Prince of Mongpawn, who was among the wounded during the assassination of Aung San was taken with the others to the General Hospital in Rangoon. His Karen personal assistant personally carried him there. Apart from being unable to speak, because of the bullet wound in his chin, he was conscious and in good spirits when last seen. “But no one was allowed to see him. They just told me he was all right, that there was nothing to worry about him. Then the next day, it was announced that he died from his wounds.” Khun Kya Bu is really bitter about 買屋this. He recalls that the situation in the post-Independence days was so bad that one non-Burmese colonel came down to Rangoon in anger and told a meeting:“I suggest that to get things right, each of the nationalities do only what they are good at. Let the Chins, Karens, and Kachins, who are good at fighting, handle defence matters. Let the Shan and Karennis, who are honest rulers, handle administrative affairs. As for you Burmese, as you are good at fine arts, you should just be responsible for that. Everything will then be straightened out and returned to normal.”The above may be too much for some Burmese. However, Khun Kya Bu has reserved his wholehearted praise for one Burmese - Aung San.) Another remark by a Shan leader "Vicatara Loka Dipani" by Htao Puen Murng (Lung Khun Maha) for the 19th July event is:It is not difficult to lose a piece of small luxury, and achieve the greatest one. It is not difficult to lose a few people and conquer a large amount of people. It is not difficult to be wicked and trick to win the honest clever one. It is not difficult to act savagely to make people afraid. Tying arrows and sickles together cannot make a sheaf. Later, the Representatives of the Shan State who participated in the Constituent Assembly werePolitically immature; Had no understanding of legislative processes; Were preoccupied with the prospect of total independence within one year; Were trying to exhibit a united front after the loss of their leaders through political assassination. Therefore they were easily misled by the so-called Constitutional Advisers. *(Shan State Affairs) Assassinated peoples (leaders) or assassinated Panglong Spirit constituent definitions. But fortunately, Panglong Spirit was not totally killed and it had some visible points that cannot be hidden and still appeared as stipulated in the 1947 union constitution. It is “the right of secession” in article X. Then, how will the democratic Burmese government AFPFL deal with this Article X. However, ‘the right of secession’ does not totally mean that Shan State must secede after ten years. “Secession is not a crime. It is a right provided by the Constitution, so that the constituent national groups and smaller races can safeguard their integrity. In a free and voluntary union such as ours, autonomy and secession are unquestionable prerequisites. And if the bigger nation or the majority race begrudge these rights, the diagnosis must be that it has been infected with the Greater Nation disease. The right of autonomy is the first line of defence for the smaller nations or races to successfully prevent domi 租房子nation. The secession weapon is put to use only when the first measure fails. As General Aung San said, “The right of Secession must be given, but it is our duty to work and show (our sincerity) so that they don’t wish to leave”. It is Burma’s responsibility to prove their sincerity so that the States do not wish to secede.” * The Shan State Secession Issue (Htun Myint of Taunggyi) After all, the so called democratic federal union constitution of union of Burma was totally finished and the union of Burma achieved her independence in 4th Jan 1948 and started to enjoy the flavour of free peoples’ independence. What are the flavours that non-Burmese nationalities have had a taste of in becoming newly independent? “The AFPFL and Greater Nation Chauvinism. The AFPFL’s aims, as stipulated in the League’s constitution give no hint of Greater Nation Chauvinism. But, in practice, it has been extremely difficult for them to hide it.” *Htun Myint of Taunggyi When ten years after independence arrived in1958, accordingly stipulated in the union constitution, the right of secession after ten years cooperation, the time arrived for Shan State to decide to secede out or to continue to stay in the Union by democratic means; otherwise the leader of the democratic government of Burma U Nu should lead and set out the referendum to test the result by democratic manner. But the slicker U Nu avoided his responsibility and handed his power over to the military leader General Ne Win as caretaker to intervene in the democratic government affairs. So that the peoples of Shan State were unable to have a choice, and were only allowed to stay with the union whether they were willing or not, good or bad. At that time the Burmese army were already spread out and encamped in Shan State and suppressed Shan peoples. It needed ten years to set up Burmese army to be strong enough to take the opportunity to intervene in the democratic affairs of the Union of Burma.“It can be said that what was of utmost concern to the military (as self-acclaimed ‘nation-builders’) was Chapter 10 of the 1947 Constitution, which granted the Shan State the option of secession after 10 years of union. The military, however, set out to pre-empt the Shan from exercising that option, whether or not they actually planned to do so. The military intimidated the population by sowing terror, and it fomented opposition in the Shan State towards the Sawbwa princes, whom the military accused of hatching plots to dismember the Union.” *Chaotzang Yawnghwe http://www.chaotzangyawnghwe.info/by/aby2.html But during 1960 election, U Nu’s AFPFL returned to power from ignorant de 烤肉食材mocratic right to patch the ruining democratic behaviour of the Burmese government. But as soon as he returned to power, the leaders of ethnic nationalities come to sticking to their demands and demanded discussions with U Nu about amendments to the constitution. This demand was reasserted at a conference when the Ethnic States Unity and Solidarity Organization convened in 25th Feb, 1961 at Taunggyi in Shan State. From this conference, the document ‘The Shan State Federal Proposal’ was ratified. The impact of this ‘Shan Proposal,’ as it was known, led to the Burmese Military takeover on 2nd March 1962 because it was a shell shock to the primary principle of union the Burmese way that was idealized since 1940 by sixteen Burmese comrades. But the Burmese military coup regime gave another unconcerned reason for their coup to withhold their plans and believed blindly that the ‘Shan Federal Proposal’ will break the country into pieces, and so they removed the Shan State Government and most Shan leaders brutally and terminated the Burmese way to democracy so that it could not be returned to. “Although the Shan, Kachin, and other ethnic nationalities’ leaders found the 1947 Constitution unsatisfactory, they went along with it until the coup in 1962, because they had been assured that it could be amended at any time in the future. The second school of thought was adopted by the post-Aung San AFPFL6 leaders. This vision was embodied structurally in the 1947 Union Constitution. It provided for a unitary form of state, decentralized to some degree but not federal. This formula gained ascendancy and was in force for almost twelve years, from 1948 to 1962, but was certainly not in keeping with the Panglong Spirit or with the vision of U Aung San. Nevertheless, it worked after a fashion but Burma’s ethnic nationalities seethed with discontent and civil war raged. The relationship between the members was asymmetrical: there was the Mother country (Pyi-Ma, the Burma State) and around it revolved a set of subordinate constituent states.) When the military seized power in 1962, they hoped to win the support of the Burman populace. The generals claimed that drastic action was necessary because the Union was threatened by the ‘secessionist plots’ of Shan princes. However, the cruel massacre of university students in Rangoon on 7 July 1962, four months after the coup, alienated the Burman population from the new military regime.” * Chaotzang Yawnghue So, the Burmese military regime automatically put themselves as the enemy of all citizens of the Union of Burma and they never dared to hand back the power of government to the citizens of Burma. 酒店兼職Instead of doing so, they started to suppress the whole country of those who went against their wishes, and reproved and punished Shan leaders until they got enough satisfaction. When all have suffered a great deal of grinding oppression and calmed down because they are completely afraid of the brutal regime; Ne Win’s Revolutionary Council government replaced the 1947 constitution, which Shan leaders and other ethnic leaders demanded for amendment, with the 1974 constitution which stressed a unitary federal form of government or Burmese way to federalism that no one dared to oppose. But as the head of the Burmese regime, Ne Win learned, since he had taken power by a coup, that he will never get the right support from the Burmese citizens. So, he neglected most important country affairs such as economics, education, health development for the country and thought only of himself. Most of the country’s income was only for him. So, when in 1988 Burma became one of the most outdated and poorest nations on the world, Ne Win became one of the wealthiest men in the world. So, when they have learned this event, the country citizens were unable to tolerate more and at last the fire was broken out and countrywide uprising demonstrated and pulled Ne Win down. When the country was in the most confuse state and plight, on 18th Sep,1988, the military led-government transformed itself into the State Law and Order Restoration Council and then lured the citizens to calm down, promised to lead and arrange the general election in 1990 to fulfil the wishes of the citizens for awhile. Ne Win lost power, the same as U Nu, and also never returned to prominence. But the idea and the primary principle of nation-building of the sixteen Burmese comrades has never died. It is still surviving healthily passing from hand to hand among the Burmese regime leaders to this day. So, the practical result of 1990 general election came out earlier than the date of election in the head of the top Burmese Generals. They must win the election, if not by white, then it must be by black method. For instance, troops stationed in Shan State were issued with a top secret instruction to ‘Burmanize’ Shan State (Annexe II). Because formal democracy does not re-invent and include their ‘1940’ notions yet, it would not be fitted with their primary principle. To re-create and bind the formal democracy which will be suitable for the Burmese way to democracy, they need some extra time to arrange their agendas. So, they just coup again and overthrow the winning un-experience NLD which did not prepare and repair anything for the Burmese way to democracy that would destroy the spirit of their primary p seorinciple of nation-builder. According to the regime, there should not be true democracy and true federalism but the invented one. So, they just ignore the result of 1990 general election and are persisting with holding the “National Convention” which would provide the best result for their ‘1940’ agenda. But the Shan State leaders, SNLD the second largest seat winning party in 1990, still leading the non-Burmese parties and leaders persisting propose their ‘way’ of equal rights federal proposal in the NC and became as a big hindrance for the regime to finish their new constitution. So, NC has lasted for more than one decade and their constitution cannot be finished. Lastly, in Feb 2005, they have to eliminate Shan leaders again as they always hindered the regime’s agendas and tried to smooth out their constitution at the end of 2006. But the condition was still far away from their wishes. Whenever there were talks on federal matters, the Shan nationalities always came along and whenever they wanted to discuss the federal case, the authorities always arrested the Shan people first before they could speak. When the SPDC’s new constitution is said to be finished, the over-ground as well as underground opposition groups inside and outside the country will still be marching to their goal with unchangeable confidence. REFERENCES 1. DVBhttp://burmese.dvb.no/news.php?id=9902http://burmese.dvb.no/news.php?id=9903 2. Shan State Affairs - A paper prepared by the office of the Regional Co-coordinator Australia & the Pacific Shan State organization.The Constituent Assembly was convened on the 10th June 1947. With regard to the formation of a Union or Federation, draft proposal No. 2 of the Directives presented the merest outline. But the Shans had put their trust in General Aung San, and he was the type of leader who kept his promises. Unfortunately, the National Leaders headed by General Aung San were assassinated on the 19th July 1947. Among his six colleagues who were killed with him was Chao Sam Htun, the Chaofa of Mong Pawn State, the Councillor for the Frontier Areas and the Representative of the Shans on the Governor’s Executive Council. The representatives of the Shan State committed themselves to achieving Independence.*(Shan State Affairs)http://www.shanland.org/resources/history/shan_state_affairs.htm/ 3. The Founding of the Union of Burma through the Hill Peoples effortsThe Memoirs of Khun Kya Bu of Hsipawhttp://www.shanland.org/resources/history/Publications/founding_of_the_union_of_burma_t.htm/ ANNEXES Annexe I Aung San – Atlee Agreement 8. Frontier Areas It is agreed objective of both His Majesty’s Government and the Burmese Delegates t 租屋網o achieve the early unification of the Frontier Areas and Ministerial Burma with the free consent of the inhabitants of those areas. In the meantime, it is agreed that the people of the Frontier Areas should, in respect of subjects of common interest, be closely associated with the Government of Burma in a manner acceptable to both parties. For these purposes it has been agreed: -There shall be free intercourse between the peoples of the Frontier Areas and the people of Ministerial Burma without hindrance. The leaders and representatives of the peoples of the Frontier Areas shall be asked, either at the Panglong Conference to be held at the beginning of next month or at a special Conference to be convened for the purpose, to express their views upon the form of association with the Government of Burma which they consider acceptable during the transition period: whether – by the appointment of a small group of Frontier representatives to advise the Governor on Frontier affairs and to have close liaison with the Executive Council; or by the appointment of the Frontier Area representative as Executive Councillor in charge of Frontier affairs; or by some other method. After the Panglong meeting, or the special conference, His Majesty’s Government and the Government of Burma will agree upon the best method of advancing their common aims in accordance with the expressed views of the peoples of the Frontier Areas. A Committee of Enquiry shall be set up forthwith as to the best method of associating the Frontier peoples with the working out of the new Constitution for Burma. Such Committee will consist of equal numbers of person from Ministerial Burma, nominated by the Executive Council, and persons from the Frontier Areas, nominated by the Governor after consultation with the leaders of those areas, with a neutral Chairman from outside of Burma selected by agreement. Such Committee shall be asked to report to the Government of Burma and His Majesty’s Government before the summoning of the Constituent Assembly. Annexe II Message to Burmese troops stationed in Shan State Top Secret No. Pa La Za/ya -013/88. Message to Burmese troops on duty in the Shan State……………… To the superior Burmese comrades in the whole of Burma, Since we love our Burmese race as we love our lives, to be the sole guardians of our race we must have our country. We must help our country in all aspects; such as in economy, in social intercourse, in education, in literature and culture.There fore, we Burmese, comrades living within Burma will have to go on the offensive either by hook or by crook to Burmanize other racial groups using different tactics such as baiting them with cash, property s 澎湖民宿uperior Burmese Culture and the like so as to assimilate them step by step.To be profitable for our noble cause use simple methods such as education, social intercourse and culture to overwhelm the ignorant minority. Try to use coercion with tact so that no glaring mistakes will be made. In order to achieve an eternal propagation and prolongation of the Burmese race, the easiest method will be to absorb the minorities by intermarriage with their womenfolk.Those Burmese troops on duty in the Shan States must take Shan girls as wives. Job seekers must go up to the Shan states and try their utmost to marry Shan girls. Due to Shan girls having an easygoing lifestyle as well as having a high opinion of Burmese youth, we can easily win them over to our side.Burmese comrades! We must hurry if we are to succeed, because the Shan States is like a toxin to Burmese compatriots.There froe, all Burmese must unite. We try all options. Even if we depart this world, we must leave our children and blood relations behind in the Shan States. Non-Burmese women and Shan women can be easily bought with money by our Burmese youths. If not we can use coercion so that they may eventually be turned into saucy girls leading to prostitution.Burmese comrades! The time is ripe to bring non-Burmese women into our fold by buying them with cash, property, or other attractions as well as using matters of the heart to lure them. The Burmese government on a monthly basis will reward those patriotic Burmese youths who succeed in luring Shan girls as follows:- A simple village lass, reward K 500/- Daughter of ward/ village headman, reward K-1000/- Degree holders, reward k 1500/- Sao Pha’s and merchants daughters (with degree) reward K2000/- Our noble and superior Burmese comrades! You must understand the fact that only a people-to-people absorption can eliminate the minorities. Only by crafty organization work can we succeed eternally.Do not worry about money. Cash is no problem. For those Burmese comrades in the Shan States our government has put a side a special fund an annual sum of pound sterling 5 million.As soon as you succeed, please follow instructions, and contact the proper authority, you shall be promptly rewarded. We are eagerly waiting anticipation.Since this instruction is highly classified, great care must be taken so as to prevent leakage. Distribution must be limited to Burmese comrades only.This is the fourth intimation to patriotic Burmese race, and to those Burmese who espouse nationalism, language and the Buddhist religion. Guard these with your lives.Towards the Success of our cause Guardians of the fourth Burmese Empire, Burma Proper Burmese Era-1350 waning of Tawthalin Christian Era – 1988 October (1 好房網0 )  .
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