Burma’s Bleak Prospect in 2009 Will the Year of the Ox Move Burma Forward? Burma’s Bleak Prospect in 2009 By WAI MOE Tuesday, December 30, 2008 All parties in Burma can expect 2009 to be a busier year than the one now ending as the country heads for a general election in 2010, with uncertainty and many more challenges to be faced. The election will be the fifth stage of the 租房子 seven-step “road map” to a system of “disciplined democracy” unveiled by the ruling generals in August 2003. The year 2009 will be consequently quite exciting. The military junta, their cronies and proxy parties will be preparing for victory, applying various strategies to achieve that result. According to the state-r 西裝外套un media, Burmese government ministers and leading members of the regime-backed Union Solidarity and Development Association have been making field trips to rural areas, meeting with local people. These trips were seen as part of the preparations for the coming election. However, the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) said in a forecast for 襯衫Burma that the military junta would face serious challenges ahead of the 2010 election, despite maintaining its firm grip on power in the next two years.The EIU said the political scene in Burma would be volatile as the public held the military in intense abhorrence because of its handling of the Cyclone Nargis disaster and the military’s brutal suppres 酒店工作sion of the September 2007 demonstrations. Diplomats at the UN also hope that democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi will be released from house-arrest in 2009. There are rumors that she could be freed as early as January, perhaps as a strategy to appease western governments and critics before confining her again in her home.The EIU, however, doesn’t share those hopes or b 酒店經紀elieve the rumors. It said in its December report: “There is little prospect that Aung San Suu Kyi will be released from house-arrest ahead of the election.” In September 2008, the junta released Suu Kyi’s former associate, the veteran journalist Win Tin, after 18 years’ imprisonment.After his release, Win Tin attempted to reorganize Suu Ky’s National League for Democracy (NLD). 帛琉 The party re-launched its regular weekly meetings of the Central Executive Committee – since 2003 these meetings had been held randomly. He also held a regular roundtable called “Youth and the Future” at the party’s headquarters. Suu Kyi had previously participated in the discussions.Win Tin also visited family members of political prisoners to offer moral support. This initiative, called the “White 小額信貸 Campaign,” was previously carried out by the 88 Generation Students group led by prominent pro- democracy activist Min Ko Naing and former student leaders, most of whom are now in jail. It is expected that the NLD will become more dynamic in 2009, and some party members expect reforms that will replace ageing leaders with younger people.So far, however, the NLD has kept quiet about the election. It did call in 網路行銷September, though, for a review by the regime of the military-sponsored constitution. Predicting Burma’s future is not easy, although the EIU said in its report: “Nevertheless, it is still unlikely that any attempt to overthrow the military would succeed, as the armed forces can be expected to remain vigilant and will crack down hard on any signs of gathering protest.” It added that internal conflict is the most likely obstacle to 小型辦公室 smooth progress by the military in implementing its plans. The health of junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe is a factor in the election run-up, the EIU suggests. By making two trips within as many recent weeks to the cyclone-devastated Irrawaddy delta, Than Shwe has shown the world, however, that he’s in good health and that he remains firmly in control. Burma’s future thus remains as bleak as ever.http://www.irrawaddy.org/highlight.php?art_id 永慶房屋=14860  .


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          The Brief Biography of the Union of Burma (Part 1) location Map of Myanmar Map of the Union of Burma(Myanmar' former name) The Brief Biography of the Union of Burma (Part 1) By/Young Tai March 3 , 2006 : The Sunday discussion program (11th Feb, 2007) for the 60th anniversary Union Day of Burma on DVB by the title of “why we dare not mention the word Federalism” becomes one of the most interesting topics and it gives us more thoughts for further discussion [Ref# 1]. This regards the ideas of genuine union or genuine federalism for the Union of Burma that almost all ethnic politicians and some Burmese politicians and observers view and analyze with optimism, as paramount to reform of the Union of Burma. The discussion points are hitting the exact target of the problem of Burma. As an expert elder said, there are only three kinds of constitutional system of a country, Unitary, Federation and Confederation. The constitution under a Union country can only be a federation or a confederation. It must not be as unitary. But almost all observers believed and thought widely that the leaders of the military coup regimes such as Ne Win, Than Shwe and so on did not accept the Federal System for the country because they don’t understand any theory of Federalism. They only understand Federalism is secession. If they accept the federal system, the Union country will break up into pieces. So, to save the Union from disappearing into an abyss the military regime have taken the obligations to “save” the country and overthrow the federal proposals and have to coup the democratic government power that they are unable to act and practice so. So that many observers only understand and followed because the military regime gave their “special” reason every time for their coup. So, the theory of union and the way of saving the union in the Union of Burma of the Burmese dictatorship regimes became opposite in meaning and surprised all peoples. But after we have learned the core facts of the collective history of the formation of union of Burma, we shall not believe and have a thought that the leader of the coup military regime and some top Burmese governors and politicians didn’t understand the theory of Federalism and misunderstand the meaning of Federalism for their coup. Even if they really did not understand and accepted misunderstanding, it might be right for the first coup in 1962 because it was still new in world politics. But it is not right for the second coup to overthrow the results of 1990 election. And today, SPDC still cannot accept Federalism and it is not because they still don’t understand the theory of Federalism and misu 室內設計nderstand secession, because that is impossible for today’s human knowledge. It is only just pretending ignorance about genuine federalism. The reason that SPDC can’t accept the Federal system is not more than because they dislike this system. It is not because they don’t know its real meaning. So here, why federal system can not be established in Union of Burma until today becomes an interesting question. Let us together find the possible answer. The aspect and the principle of the condition of Burma today was created in 1940 by the sixteen Burmese comrades (Myanma tha mine wun thwe thawk ye baw se chawk u). These sixteen comrades mixed their blood in a cup and vowed to conquer with their top secret policy in Bangkok before independence when they endeavoured to fight against British colonial rule. The contents of the top secret policy are as follows:-All the land area under the sovereign of British governed must be reached in the hands of Burmese and become the sovereign of Burmese govern only. All the economic in future Burma must only be in the hands of Burmese citizens only. All administrations and defences of the country must only be the voice and the sign of Burmese citizens. High education. High economic. High defence, these parts are deeply important things and must not be in the hands of the ethnic nationalities. To erase and clean the ethnic minorities. Mixed blood policy. Everyone countrywide must be taught to speak Burmese and have Burmese names. Burmese culture, movies, opera, etc. must reach every part of the country. Burmese citizens must extend and relocate to all regions among the hill people. Burmese monks must be travelled for religious propagation to the hill peoples and teach them sermons. They must collect the orphans and send them to Burma (lowland) to every pariyati schools, then teach them language, religion, ideology and culture of Burmese. *from "Vicatara Loka Dipani" by Htao Puen Murng (Lung Khun Maha) So after the end of WWII, when General Aung San and the delegation of the Burma executive council arrived in London having discussed all the matters affecting the future relations between Great Britain and Burma with prime minister Atlee which the people of Burma may achieve their independence, he also claimed to Atlee that he also acted as representing the delegation from the frontier areas too. But he failed, Atlee didn’t accept his claim because he had already learned by telegram from the leaders of the Federated Shan States that reached his hand in time, that General Aung San did not represent any frontier areas 結婚peoples. But at last, he achieved the bargaining point of agreement with Atlee. Annexe II gives an extract from the Aung San – Atlee Agreement. But in Panglong Conference which began since 3rd Feb, 1947 for Shan leaders and Shan State Council, the consequence of the first Panglong Conference in March 1946, General Aung San when he arrived in the Conference on 10th Feb also faced the difficulty again in dealing with Shan State leaders to join the Union with Burma proper because of the case of mutual understanding and the sake of guarantee for future for smaller race. At last, General Aung San have to give with a great controversial investment ‘the right of secession’ for mutual understanding for Shan State and take the immediate cooperation from Shan State to join the Union. Thus, the ‘Panglong Agreement’ narrowly went through on 12th Feb,1947. Then, Union of Burma was gained successfully in the form of Federal Union and the Union constitution was drawn up.The obsessive Democratic Federal Union and with “The right of secession” BUT only after ten years of cooperation. What will happen in this ten years period? By nature or by invention? Writing in ‘Shan State Affairs’ [Ref# 2], Chao Hso Hom said: “The Constituent Assembly was convened on the 10th June 1947. With regard to the formation of a Union or Federation, draft proposal No. 2 of the Directives presented the merest outline. But the Shans had put their trust in General Aung San, and he was the type of leader who kept his promises. Unfortunately, the National Leaders headed by General Aung San were assassinated on the 19th July 1947. Among his six colleagues who were killed with him was Chao Sam Htun, the Chaofa of Mong Pawn State, the Councillor for the Frontier Areas and the Representative of the Shans on the Governor’s Executive Council. The representatives of the Shan State committed themselves to achieving Independence.”Khun Kya Bu of Hsipaw wrote “If 19th July 1947 is the blackest day for the both Burmese and Shans alike, the next day was no less blacker. Zao Zarm Htun, Prince of Mongpawn, who was among the wounded during the assassination of Aung San was taken with the others to the General Hospital in Rangoon. His Karen personal assistant personally carried him there. Apart from being unable to speak, because of the bullet wound in his chin, he was conscious and in good spirits when last seen. “But no one was allowed to see him. They just told me he was all right, that there was nothing to worry about him. Then the next day, it was announced that he died from his wounds.” Khun Kya Bu is really bitter about 買屋this. He recalls that the situation in the post-Independence days was so bad that one non-Burmese colonel came down to Rangoon in anger and told a meeting:“I suggest that to get things right, each of the nationalities do only what they are good at. Let the Chins, Karens, and Kachins, who are good at fighting, handle defence matters. Let the Shan and Karennis, who are honest rulers, handle administrative affairs. As for you Burmese, as you are good at fine arts, you should just be responsible for that. Everything will then be straightened out and returned to normal.”The above may be too much for some Burmese. However, Khun Kya Bu has reserved his wholehearted praise for one Burmese - Aung San.) Another remark by a Shan leader "Vicatara Loka Dipani" by Htao Puen Murng (Lung Khun Maha) for the 19th July event is:It is not difficult to lose a piece of small luxury, and achieve the greatest one. It is not difficult to lose a few people and conquer a large amount of people. It is not difficult to be wicked and trick to win the honest clever one. It is not difficult to act savagely to make people afraid. Tying arrows and sickles together cannot make a sheaf. Later, the Representatives of the Shan State who participated in the Constituent Assembly werePolitically immature; Had no understanding of legislative processes; Were preoccupied with the prospect of total independence within one year; Were trying to exhibit a united front after the loss of their leaders through political assassination. Therefore they were easily misled by the so-called Constitutional Advisers. *(Shan State Affairs) Assassinated peoples (leaders) or assassinated Panglong Spirit constituent definitions. But fortunately, Panglong Spirit was not totally killed and it had some visible points that cannot be hidden and still appeared as stipulated in the 1947 union constitution. It is “the right of secession” in article X. Then, how will the democratic Burmese government AFPFL deal with this Article X. However, ‘the right of secession’ does not totally mean that Shan State must secede after ten years. “Secession is not a crime. It is a right provided by the Constitution, so that the constituent national groups and smaller races can safeguard their integrity. In a free and voluntary union such as ours, autonomy and secession are unquestionable prerequisites. And if the bigger nation or the majority race begrudge these rights, the diagnosis must be that it has been infected with the Greater Nation disease. The right of autonomy is the first line of defence for the smaller nations or races to successfully prevent domi 租房子nation. The secession weapon is put to use only when the first measure fails. As General Aung San said, “The right of Secession must be given, but it is our duty to work and show (our sincerity) so that they don’t wish to leave”. It is Burma’s responsibility to prove their sincerity so that the States do not wish to secede.” * The Shan State Secession Issue (Htun Myint of Taunggyi) After all, the so called democratic federal union constitution of union of Burma was totally finished and the union of Burma achieved her independence in 4th Jan 1948 and started to enjoy the flavour of free peoples’ independence. What are the flavours that non-Burmese nationalities have had a taste of in becoming newly independent? “The AFPFL and Greater Nation Chauvinism. The AFPFL’s aims, as stipulated in the League’s constitution give no hint of Greater Nation Chauvinism. But, in practice, it has been extremely difficult for them to hide it.” *Htun Myint of Taunggyi When ten years after independence arrived in1958, accordingly stipulated in the union constitution, the right of secession after ten years cooperation, the time arrived for Shan State to decide to secede out or to continue to stay in the Union by democratic means; otherwise the leader of the democratic government of Burma U Nu should lead and set out the referendum to test the result by democratic manner. But the slicker U Nu avoided his responsibility and handed his power over to the military leader General Ne Win as caretaker to intervene in the democratic government affairs. So that the peoples of Shan State were unable to have a choice, and were only allowed to stay with the union whether they were willing or not, good or bad. At that time the Burmese army were already spread out and encamped in Shan State and suppressed Shan peoples. It needed ten years to set up Burmese army to be strong enough to take the opportunity to intervene in the democratic affairs of the Union of Burma.“It can be said that what was of utmost concern to the military (as self-acclaimed ‘nation-builders’) was Chapter 10 of the 1947 Constitution, which granted the Shan State the option of secession after 10 years of union. The military, however, set out to pre-empt the Shan from exercising that option, whether or not they actually planned to do so. The military intimidated the population by sowing terror, and it fomented opposition in the Shan State towards the Sawbwa princes, whom the military accused of hatching plots to dismember the Union.” *Chaotzang Yawnghwe http://www.chaotzangyawnghwe.info/by/aby2.html But during 1960 election, U Nu’s AFPFL returned to power from ignorant de 烤肉食材mocratic right to patch the ruining democratic behaviour of the Burmese government. But as soon as he returned to power, the leaders of ethnic nationalities come to sticking to their demands and demanded discussions with U Nu about amendments to the constitution. This demand was reasserted at a conference when the Ethnic States Unity and Solidarity Organization convened in 25th Feb, 1961 at Taunggyi in Shan State. From this conference, the document ‘The Shan State Federal Proposal’ was ratified. The impact of this ‘Shan Proposal,’ as it was known, led to the Burmese Military takeover on 2nd March 1962 because it was a shell shock to the primary principle of union the Burmese way that was idealized since 1940 by sixteen Burmese comrades. But the Burmese military coup regime gave another unconcerned reason for their coup to withhold their plans and believed blindly that the ‘Shan Federal Proposal’ will break the country into pieces, and so they removed the Shan State Government and most Shan leaders brutally and terminated the Burmese way to democracy so that it could not be returned to. “Although the Shan, Kachin, and other ethnic nationalities’ leaders found the 1947 Constitution unsatisfactory, they went along with it until the coup in 1962, because they had been assured that it could be amended at any time in the future. The second school of thought was adopted by the post-Aung San AFPFL6 leaders. This vision was embodied structurally in the 1947 Union Constitution. It provided for a unitary form of state, decentralized to some degree but not federal. This formula gained ascendancy and was in force for almost twelve years, from 1948 to 1962, but was certainly not in keeping with the Panglong Spirit or with the vision of U Aung San. Nevertheless, it worked after a fashion but Burma’s ethnic nationalities seethed with discontent and civil war raged. The relationship between the members was asymmetrical: there was the Mother country (Pyi-Ma, the Burma State) and around it revolved a set of subordinate constituent states.) When the military seized power in 1962, they hoped to win the support of the Burman populace. The generals claimed that drastic action was necessary because the Union was threatened by the ‘secessionist plots’ of Shan princes. However, the cruel massacre of university students in Rangoon on 7 July 1962, four months after the coup, alienated the Burman population from the new military regime.” * Chaotzang Yawnghue So, the Burmese military regime automatically put themselves as the enemy of all citizens of the Union of Burma and they never dared to hand back the power of government to the citizens of Burma. 酒店兼職Instead of doing so, they started to suppress the whole country of those who went against their wishes, and reproved and punished Shan leaders until they got enough satisfaction. When all have suffered a great deal of grinding oppression and calmed down because they are completely afraid of the brutal regime; Ne Win’s Revolutionary Council government replaced the 1947 constitution, which Shan leaders and other ethnic leaders demanded for amendment, with the 1974 constitution which stressed a unitary federal form of government or Burmese way to federalism that no one dared to oppose. But as the head of the Burmese regime, Ne Win learned, since he had taken power by a coup, that he will never get the right support from the Burmese citizens. So, he neglected most important country affairs such as economics, education, health development for the country and thought only of himself. Most of the country’s income was only for him. So, when in 1988 Burma became one of the most outdated and poorest nations on the world, Ne Win became one of the wealthiest men in the world. So, when they have learned this event, the country citizens were unable to tolerate more and at last the fire was broken out and countrywide uprising demonstrated and pulled Ne Win down. When the country was in the most confuse state and plight, on 18th Sep,1988, the military led-government transformed itself into the State Law and Order Restoration Council and then lured the citizens to calm down, promised to lead and arrange the general election in 1990 to fulfil the wishes of the citizens for awhile. Ne Win lost power, the same as U Nu, and also never returned to prominence. But the idea and the primary principle of nation-building of the sixteen Burmese comrades has never died. It is still surviving healthily passing from hand to hand among the Burmese regime leaders to this day. So, the practical result of 1990 general election came out earlier than the date of election in the head of the top Burmese Generals. They must win the election, if not by white, then it must be by black method. For instance, troops stationed in Shan State were issued with a top secret instruction to ‘Burmanize’ Shan State (Annexe II). Because formal democracy does not re-invent and include their ‘1940’ notions yet, it would not be fitted with their primary principle. To re-create and bind the formal democracy which will be suitable for the Burmese way to democracy, they need some extra time to arrange their agendas. So, they just coup again and overthrow the winning un-experience NLD which did not prepare and repair anything for the Burmese way to democracy that would destroy the spirit of their primary p seorinciple of nation-builder. According to the regime, there should not be true democracy and true federalism but the invented one. So, they just ignore the result of 1990 general election and are persisting with holding the “National Convention” which would provide the best result for their ‘1940’ agenda. But the Shan State leaders, SNLD the second largest seat winning party in 1990, still leading the non-Burmese parties and leaders persisting propose their ‘way’ of equal rights federal proposal in the NC and became as a big hindrance for the regime to finish their new constitution. So, NC has lasted for more than one decade and their constitution cannot be finished. Lastly, in Feb 2005, they have to eliminate Shan leaders again as they always hindered the regime’s agendas and tried to smooth out their constitution at the end of 2006. But the condition was still far away from their wishes. Whenever there were talks on federal matters, the Shan nationalities always came along and whenever they wanted to discuss the federal case, the authorities always arrested the Shan people first before they could speak. When the SPDC’s new constitution is said to be finished, the over-ground as well as underground opposition groups inside and outside the country will still be marching to their goal with unchangeable confidence. REFERENCES 1. DVBhttp://burmese.dvb.no/news.php?id=9902http://burmese.dvb.no/news.php?id=9903 2. Shan State Affairs - A paper prepared by the office of the Regional Co-coordinator Australia & the Pacific Shan State organization.The Constituent Assembly was convened on the 10th June 1947. With regard to the formation of a Union or Federation, draft proposal No. 2 of the Directives presented the merest outline. But the Shans had put their trust in General Aung San, and he was the type of leader who kept his promises. Unfortunately, the National Leaders headed by General Aung San were assassinated on the 19th July 1947. Among his six colleagues who were killed with him was Chao Sam Htun, the Chaofa of Mong Pawn State, the Councillor for the Frontier Areas and the Representative of the Shans on the Governor’s Executive Council. The representatives of the Shan State committed themselves to achieving Independence.*(Shan State Affairs)http://www.shanland.org/resources/history/shan_state_affairs.htm/ 3. The Founding of the Union of Burma through the Hill Peoples effortsThe Memoirs of Khun Kya Bu of Hsipawhttp://www.shanland.org/resources/history/Publications/founding_of_the_union_of_burma_t.htm/ ANNEXES Annexe I Aung San – Atlee Agreement 8. Frontier Areas It is agreed objective of both His Majesty’s Government and the Burmese Delegates t 租屋網o achieve the early unification of the Frontier Areas and Ministerial Burma with the free consent of the inhabitants of those areas. In the meantime, it is agreed that the people of the Frontier Areas should, in respect of subjects of common interest, be closely associated with the Government of Burma in a manner acceptable to both parties. For these purposes it has been agreed: -There shall be free intercourse between the peoples of the Frontier Areas and the people of Ministerial Burma without hindrance. The leaders and representatives of the peoples of the Frontier Areas shall be asked, either at the Panglong Conference to be held at the beginning of next month or at a special Conference to be convened for the purpose, to express their views upon the form of association with the Government of Burma which they consider acceptable during the transition period: whether – by the appointment of a small group of Frontier representatives to advise the Governor on Frontier affairs and to have close liaison with the Executive Council; or by the appointment of the Frontier Area representative as Executive Councillor in charge of Frontier affairs; or by some other method. After the Panglong meeting, or the special conference, His Majesty’s Government and the Government of Burma will agree upon the best method of advancing their common aims in accordance with the expressed views of the peoples of the Frontier Areas. A Committee of Enquiry shall be set up forthwith as to the best method of associating the Frontier peoples with the working out of the new Constitution for Burma. Such Committee will consist of equal numbers of person from Ministerial Burma, nominated by the Executive Council, and persons from the Frontier Areas, nominated by the Governor after consultation with the leaders of those areas, with a neutral Chairman from outside of Burma selected by agreement. Such Committee shall be asked to report to the Government of Burma and His Majesty’s Government before the summoning of the Constituent Assembly. Annexe II Message to Burmese troops stationed in Shan State Top Secret No. Pa La Za/ya -013/88. Message to Burmese troops on duty in the Shan State……………… To the superior Burmese comrades in the whole of Burma, Since we love our Burmese race as we love our lives, to be the sole guardians of our race we must have our country. We must help our country in all aspects; such as in economy, in social intercourse, in education, in literature and culture.There fore, we Burmese, comrades living within Burma will have to go on the offensive either by hook or by crook to Burmanize other racial groups using different tactics such as baiting them with cash, property s 澎湖民宿uperior Burmese Culture and the like so as to assimilate them step by step.To be profitable for our noble cause use simple methods such as education, social intercourse and culture to overwhelm the ignorant minority. Try to use coercion with tact so that no glaring mistakes will be made. In order to achieve an eternal propagation and prolongation of the Burmese race, the easiest method will be to absorb the minorities by intermarriage with their womenfolk.Those Burmese troops on duty in the Shan States must take Shan girls as wives. Job seekers must go up to the Shan states and try their utmost to marry Shan girls. Due to Shan girls having an easygoing lifestyle as well as having a high opinion of Burmese youth, we can easily win them over to our side.Burmese comrades! We must hurry if we are to succeed, because the Shan States is like a toxin to Burmese compatriots.There froe, all Burmese must unite. We try all options. Even if we depart this world, we must leave our children and blood relations behind in the Shan States. Non-Burmese women and Shan women can be easily bought with money by our Burmese youths. If not we can use coercion so that they may eventually be turned into saucy girls leading to prostitution.Burmese comrades! The time is ripe to bring non-Burmese women into our fold by buying them with cash, property, or other attractions as well as using matters of the heart to lure them. The Burmese government on a monthly basis will reward those patriotic Burmese youths who succeed in luring Shan girls as follows:- A simple village lass, reward K 500/- Daughter of ward/ village headman, reward K-1000/- Degree holders, reward k 1500/- Sao Pha’s and merchants daughters (with degree) reward K2000/- Our noble and superior Burmese comrades! You must understand the fact that only a people-to-people absorption can eliminate the minorities. Only by crafty organization work can we succeed eternally.Do not worry about money. Cash is no problem. For those Burmese comrades in the Shan States our government has put a side a special fund an annual sum of pound sterling 5 million.As soon as you succeed, please follow instructions, and contact the proper authority, you shall be promptly rewarded. We are eagerly waiting anticipation.Since this instruction is highly classified, great care must be taken so as to prevent leakage. Distribution must be limited to Burmese comrades only.This is the fourth intimation to patriotic Burmese race, and to those Burmese who espouse nationalism, language and the Buddhist religion. Guard these with your lives.Towards the Success of our cause Guardians of the fourth Burmese Empire, Burma Proper Burmese Era-1350 waning of Tawthalin Christian Era – 1988 October (1 好房網0 )  .


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          歐洲議會改選右傾,保護主義抬頭(李明峻) 在全球金融海嘯餘波盪漾之際,歐洲議會(European Parliament)於6月4日至7日進行5年一度的改選,而6月7日這最後投票日被形容為歐盟「超級星期天」,包括德法義西等大國都在這天投票。這個 選舉堪稱世界最大的選舉,有權投票的公民大約3億8,800萬名,選出總數785個席次中的736位新一屆議員代表。   歐 洲議會成立於1958年,但在1979年才進行第一次歐洲議會議員(Members of the European Parliament,MEPs)選舉,使歐洲議會成為歐盟內唯一一個由會員國人民投票直選代表的機構,各國議席數基本上是按人口比例及政治協商分配,議 席最多的德國佔99席,而最少的馬爾他只有5席。此次歐洲議會的選舉中,由於多國政壇爆發醜聞,使得歐洲選民利用改選 租屋宣洩不滿,以創下新低的投票率表達抗 議,中間偏右的政黨是最大贏家,中間偏左陣營則是慘遭滑鐵盧,一向處於主流地位的大黨重挫,而偏右小黨反而趁機出頭,這將對歐洲統合造成影響。歐洲右翼政黨成贏家 「歐洲議會」是由歐洲聯盟會員國公民在各國選出的代表所組成,為歐盟最高民意機關,與負責決策的歐盟理事會、負責執行的歐盟執委會合稱歐盟三大機構。歐洲 議會有權解散歐盟執委會,對執委會新委員進行資格審核,歐盟有半數年度預算必須交由歐洲議會定奪。歐洲議會經常考察會員國人權狀況,通過的法律適用於所有 歐盟會員國。歐洲議會議員同時代表一個國家的政黨(如英國工黨、法國社會黨),及一個歐洲政黨(如歐洲人民黨或歐洲社會黨 酒店工作),少數議員只隸屬國家的政黨 (如英國保守黨),但幾乎都會加入歐洲議會內部的次級團體,依照團體決議來投票。  雖然歐盟的兩個行政機關歐盟委員會和歐洲理事會都設在比利時布魯塞爾,且幾乎所有立法準備工作和議會委員會會議都在此舉行,但《阿姆斯特丹條約 (Treaty of Amsterdam)》卻規定歐洲議會每月必須在法國斯特拉斯堡召開一次會議,而這前後4天的會議主要是常規會議和最終的投票工作,其他所有會議都在布魯 塞爾舉行。雖然歐洲議會多次表示希望自行決定開會地點,但其後的歐盟條約都規定,歐洲議會的開會地點需由歐盟各會員國政府決定。  此次歐洲議會選舉的結果,歐洲右翼成為大贏家,左翼的英國工黨、德國社會民主黨及法國社會黨遭 賣房子到大敗。在此次歐洲議會選舉中,以英國為主的中間偏左和左派 執政黨,包括西班牙、葡萄牙、愛莎尼亞、拉脫維亞則都遭到重挫。英國執政的工黨更在這次選舉中遭到歷史性挫敗,得票率僅獲15.3%,較保守黨及獨立黨 差,極右的獨立黨首次獲得兩個席位。英國工黨除在蘇格蘭和威爾斯雙雙失守外,極右派英國國民黨(BNP)在英格蘭西北地區一舉拿下兩席,首次得以進入歐洲 議會。反對英國參與歐盟的英國獨立黨(UKIP)也在這次選舉中領先工黨,保守黨則首次在英國全國性選舉中居於第一名。  同時,德國聯合執政的兩大黨派聯盟黨和社民黨得票率減少,而在野黨綠黨、自民黨和左翼黨得票率均有不同程度的上升。由基民盟和基社盟組成的聯盟黨得票率為 38.1%,低於2004年歐洲議會 住商房屋選舉時44.5%的得票率;社民黨得票率由上次歐洲議會選舉的21.5%降至21%。綠黨得票率由上次的11.9%升 至12.1%;自民黨則從6.1%躍升至10.6%;左翼黨得票率由6.1%升至7.5%。西班牙執政左派則在執政9年後,首次在全國性選舉中失利。  另一方面,法國執政黨人民運動聯盟成為法國歐洲議會選舉最大贏家,獲得的選票超過443萬張,得票率為27.73%,高居各黨派之首。法國的社會黨也在這 次選舉中遭到重大挫敗,得票率為16.66%,緊隨其後的是綠黨的16.03%,而其他參選黨派得票率則均未超過10%。希臘執政黨新民主黨在這次歐洲議 會選舉中失利,新民主黨得票率為32.68%,落後最大反對黨泛希臘社會主義運動4%之多,贏得36.75%的選票,希臘共產黨得票率為8.19%。義大 利、波蘭執政的中間偏右政黨, 融資都在這次選舉中獲勝,且極右派則在荷蘭、奧地利、匈牙利、丹麥、斯洛伐克成為主流。在瑞典,主張網路檔案共享合法化的「海盜 黨(Pirate Party)」,獲得7%支持,也取得瑞典在歐洲議會中8席中的1席。保護主義勢力重新崛起  值得注意的是,左派政黨之所以在這次歐洲選舉普遍受挫,而極右和邊緣團體得以抬頭,主因歸於經濟危機、保護意識升起以及低投票率所致。此次歐洲議會選舉的 投票率僅為43.55%,創下自1979年實行直接選舉30年來的新低。投票率低主要是因為民眾感受不到歐洲議會對本國政策的明確影響,同時許多歐盟公民 對歐洲議會的作用和職能依然不甚瞭解,特別是新加入歐盟才五年的東歐國家,對歐盟這個大家庭還沒有很強的歸屬感。如何實現真正的歐洲一體化,還需要時間來 改善。但儘管這次?信用卡代償甯w大選的投票率很低,但作為全球唯一透過公民直接選舉產生的跨國機構,歐洲議會毋庸置疑是歐洲民主化進程的寫照。  另一方面,歐洲議會的選舉結果,一般被視為是各國政治的風向球。因此,包括英國、西班牙、匈牙利、拉脫維亞、愛爾蘭、保加利亞、瑞典、希臘及葡萄牙等執政 黨受挫的11個國家,其結果攸關其未來的政治生態。如英國工黨此次議席退守第三,將加劇該黨擔任首相的布朗(Gordon Brown)的領導危機,並可能促使更多的大臣辭職。在德國方面,由於社會民主黨得票率僅20.8%,是第二次世界大戰以來最低,遠落後於默克爾領導的保 守陣營基督教民主黨(CDU)和基督教社會黨(CSU)的37.9%,這使得中間偏左、大聯合政府執政的社民黨(SPD)明顯領先,所以現任總理默克爾 (Angela Merkel)9月連任的機會將因此而大 澎湖民宿增。歐洲議會將呈現眾聲喧嘩局面  但儘管這次選舉在若干國家發生重大變化,根據歐洲議會公佈的初步選舉結果,中間偏右的歐洲政黨歐洲人民黨(EPP),仍在歐洲議會736席中囊獲265 席,較居次中間偏左的歐洲社會黨(PES)162席整整多出100多席,第三和第四大的自由黨團和綠黨團,則分別拿下80席和51席。與5年前的上次選舉 相比,各大黨間的比例變化不大,歐洲人民黨仍是最大的贏家,因此現任歐盟執委會主席巴羅佐(Jose ManuelBarroso)連任的機會大為增加。然而,不隸屬任何黨團的議員人數明顯增加到91席,英國保守黨也宣佈不參與人民黨團的運作,歐洲議會未 來將出現眾聲喧嘩的局面。  如果今年按照計劃敲定歐洲憲法,並在各會員國獲得通過,則歐洲議會修改法律的權限將會延伸到幾十個政策領域,甚至包括如避難、跨邊界警察巡邏和司法 裝潢合作等 一些敏感問題。同時,雖然歐盟大部分立法是由執委會提出,但歐洲議會能影響其議程。大約半數的法律在各會員國議會通過之前,是先在歐洲議會或其它歐盟機構 制定。同時,如果過半數議員就某個領域的立法通過決議,執委會必須做出回應。歐盟的立法送到歐洲議會亦常會被修改。未來如果《里斯本條約》付諸實施,歐洲 議會所能置喙的政策領域將大幅增加。歐洲統合之路愈益崎嶇  值得擔心的是,邊緣團體和反對外來移民、一再抨擊歐盟機構權力太大的極右派政黨,顯然在選戰中大有斬獲。由於各國代表進入歐洲議會之後,又依照政治光譜與 友黨組成政治結盟,因此各國右派政黨席次增加,表示整個議會內右派勢力抬頭,更有能力推動右傾的國族保護政策。這顯示未來五年內,支持歐盟統合的政黨必須 較過去更加團結。此次結果對歐洲許多國家的社會黨是一大打 酒店工作擊,將重新思考未來方向。  歐洲議會雖是歐盟唯一一個直選議會機構,但歐洲議會僅享有部分立法權、預算審核權和監督行政權,與一般意義的議會相比缺少很多職能。它主要是考察歐盟會員 國的人權狀況、監獄虐待與酷刑事件等。但諷刺的是,以保障歐盟境內人權(工作權、居住遷徙權)、防堵排外思潮出現為主要功能之一的歐洲議會,未來如果出現 高舉國族主義的情況,如義大利的北方聯盟主張,要督促歐盟制定更嚴苛的移民法規,將矛頭指向新加入歐盟的東歐集團,這將與致力推動整合的歐洲行政體系相互 杆格,歐洲統合之路顯然會變得更崎嶇。 (本文由台灣東北亞學會副秘書長李明峻寫作,刊登在青年日報全球戰略觀察專欄,2009.6.19.版7) .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 辦公室出租  .


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          應用地理補充1 臭氧已把我們包圍?  不久前,英國科學家警告說,由於氣溫持續升高,近地空氣已經出現了數量足以致命的臭氧。如果不抓緊時間控制溫室氣體的排放,那麼在不久的將來,英國人夏季外出時則必須戴上有活性碳層的口罩,否則將有生命危險。 植物受熱 催生臭氧   國際線上報道:臭氧是一種較為簡單的分子,由3個氧原子結合而成。在大氣層中,臭氧能夠吸收 褐藻醣膠紫外線,使地球生物免遭輻射侵害。但是,在近地範圍,臭氧會與生物分子發生化學反應,對生物體具有一定破壞作用。   去年夏天,熱浪席捲歐洲,並給英國留下了嚴重的“後遺症”。英國科學家研究證實,受到高溫烘烤時,植物將釋放出一種名叫“橡膠基質”的物質,而正是由於這種物質,大氣中的臭氧?保濕面膜t量增加了。而臭氧增加直接威脅著人類,特別是少年兒童、老年人和哮喘病患者的健康和生命。英國約克大學的李維斯教授帶領一個調查小組專門研究近地臭氧含量的變化。他說:“我們得出的結論是令人震驚的:當氣溫上升到攝氏30多度後,植物就開始加速釋放‘橡膠基質’。”   “橡膠基質”的作用是保護植物葉片不受高溫 房屋買賣灸烤,但它也是促使氮氧化物分解為臭氧的催化劑。英國大氣研究中心的索普教授指出,華氏100度(即攝氏37.7度)是上述化學反應的一個臨界點。當氣溫高於這個臨界點時,植物將成倍釋放“橡膠基質”以保護葉片,同時造成近地臭氧濃度迅速上升。 600人死於高濃度臭氧   據悉,當每立方米大氣中的臭氧含量超過180毫克時,人類健康就會受 買房子到影響。而去年8月6日,倫敦每立方米大氣中的臭氧含量竟高達300毫克。索普教授說:“過去幾年來,英國政府一直在為減少近地臭氧含量而努力,比如限制汽車上路和工廠‘三廢’排放量等。誰知道,一場熱浪把所有的努力化為烏有……去年夏天,英國至少有600人因為臭氧濃度過高而死去。”   英國國家環境技術中心的科學家約翰·斯泰曼說,如果600名死者尚 帛琉不足以引起重視,那麼還有成千上萬名雖僥倖逃過死亡、但至今飽受哮喘病折磨的患者可以說明問題。諾丁漢一個名叫阿利森·鮑特利的患者說:“天一熱我就得呆在家裏,免得受到臭氧的侵害。這實在太鬱悶了。”   今年夏天即將來臨,英國科學家向政府發出呼籲,希望政府採取更為有效的措施來減少溫室氣體排放,從根本上解決近地臭氧增加的問題。科學家還說,如果這 土地買賣個問題始終無法解決,他們建議那些身體素質較差的人在盛夏時節減少外出,迫不得已非要出門時,則要戴上有活性碳層的口罩,並時刻提醒自己快去快回。(吳若蕾)http://big5.chinabroadcast.cn/gate/big5/gb.chinabroadcast.cn/2201/2004/06/03/561@182328.htm 第198期 日本今年日子不好過第197期 中美兩軍啟動政策對話第196期 中國人臟彈襲美是謠言第195期 白宮與陳水扁翻臉內幕第194期 台灣海 酒店兼職峽隧道何時成?第193期 美國拉日本搞鐳射戰機第192期 美日為何調重兵救災第191期 中國DNA專家進海嘯區第190期 美3艘核潛艇靠近台灣第189期 美要扣押我先進武器 第188期 美日緊盯我軍事動向第187期 日本挑釁我統一大業第186期 中俄聯合軍演不尋常第185期 中美要建軍事熱線?第184期 美國不準台灣改名號第183期 布希“大內保鏢”第182期 陳水扁害怕"斬首戰" 第181期 美日兵進下地島第180期 日 酒肉朋友本能否永不再戰第179期 亞太經合會上鬥"台獨"第177期 我為阿拉法特掃墓第176期 台灣追查泄密案第175期 台灣當局怕美國翻臉第174期 中國派團赴美看大選第173期 直擊美國大選決戰第172期 美國軍火商敲詐台灣第171期 台灣當局炫耀洋武器【 編輯信箱 】  【 推薦 】   【 列印文章 】   【 關閉窗口 】    相關文章發現v 米開朗基羅心理不健康?&n 房屋買賣bsp;2004-06-03 10:20:42v 小心!開車容易使人發胖 2004-06-03 10:18:15v 德國安全套多數含致癌物 2004-06-03 10:17:13v 普洱茶使減肥不再反彈 2004-06-03 10:16:06v 世界上最大的問題是…… 2004-06-01 15:07:26v  牛蛙也有“結巴” 2004-06-01 14:32:45 .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 裝潢  .


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          守穩8161點 續攻前波高點 蘋果日報 自營商操盤人日記分析昨日台股盤勢,主要因美股連續2天下跌,亞股也因此下滑,加上國內央行對於房市景氣提出警訊,造成國內資產、營建等主 酒店打工流類股大跌,拖累大盤指數。不過,台股雖然下跌,但是短線應該還有撐,因為在台幣持續升值下,熱錢繼續流入,加 辦公室出租上周技術指標翻紅,代表中多反彈格局確認,貼近季線8092點附近就是很好的買點。 資金效應持續發燒 指數前波高點開始下跌後, 代償已完成5波型態,就技術面來說,之後反彈也會有3~5波的表現。而就7384~8658點區間來說,8658點被視為第一個高點,以正常回檔約0.382計算,滿足位置大 關鍵字行銷約是8161點,這也貼近本波的跳空缺口,靠近季線位置,同時8265~8279點間,則是另一跳空缺口位置,如果能夠守住8161點的話,後續創高的趨勢不會改變。台股雖然遭 好房網遇獲利回吐及套牢賣壓,加上國際股市表現疲弱,外資動作由買反手轉賣,但是投資人不用太過擔心,台股目前回檔幅度仍在合理範圍內,由於未來雙率仍是偏向看漲,選後資金效應可持續?代償o酵,應該還會有一波的表現,不妨利用回檔的時候,開始布局。就類股表現上,盤面上依舊是傳產、金融、電子股三分天下的局面。然而總統大選不斷逼近,研判金融、傳產方面還是會有政策利多釋放,不?婚禮顧問L距離選舉日不到10個交易日,此時不妨開始留意相關勝選概念股。若就傳產股來說,隨兩岸政策開放方向確立,資產、營建、航運等族群,中長期趨勢不變。另外,金融股不僅是控盤工具,同時也是外資會買的股票,後市?系統傢俱揖i留意,投資人選股上則可留意消費性的金融相關個股,以及證券股,總統大選後應會有所表現。 電子累積反彈動能 至於電子股部分,雖然面臨美國經濟表現不佳衝擊,加上台幣持續升值,恐會衝擊第1季獲利,但是近來表現可說是利 關鍵字廣告空不跌,似乎慢慢築底確立、累積反彈動能之中,在選股上則以IC設計、節能、博弈、面板族群為主。吳文彬口述 魏鑫陽整理 .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 酒店經紀  .


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          萬點行情 法人挪後到明年 【王宗彤/台北報導】 中國時報 美股下跌,台股再度受到牽連而下跌,15日下跌37.52點,以8905.41點收盤,由於投資人期待反彈而惜售,又 建築設計擔心崩盤不敢追價,因此成交值急凍至994.75億元,為今年5/31以來最低量。法人指出,台股要攻克九 結婚千點,起碼要量能1500億元以上。 觀察15日法人買賣超動向,外資又轉為賣超43.44億元,投信小幅買超0.39億元,自 室內裝潢營商買超11.64億元,合計三大法人共賣超31.41億元,仍是本土買、外資賣的情況,在國際股市目前氣氛搖擺不定下,短期內仍以觀望為宜。 系統傢俱 台股14日才跳空大漲,跳空缺口近200點,15日未能延續漲勢,甚至成交值急凍量縮至1000億元之下,上攻乏力,尤其盤中高點未能過昨高,低點則低過昨 東森房屋低,並小幅回補昨日的缺口,顯示成交值遽減,反彈氣勢仍弱。 尤其2007年已近歲末,雖然市場仍期待台股能夠在重挫逾1200點後,進行跌深反彈,甚至展開更強勢的島狀V型 酒店工作反轉。 攻克9000點 須量1500億以上 但美林證券認為,融資籌碼凌亂的風險仍高,甚至不排除再引發一波斷頭追繳壓力,縱有反彈,恐怕也只是「彈」花一現,預期年底前台股指數將只 有巢氏房屋能在8500-9500點區間盤整。 同樣地,目前國內投信業者,看待今年底前的萬點行情也多有退縮,新光投信基金經理人鄒政杰就說,基本上,台股上壓頗大,市場對於今年底前能看到萬點的期望也越來越少 房屋買賣,多半已將萬點時程自動挪後到明年。 根據統計,外資本周四個交易日來賣超前15檔個股中,金控股就佔有8檔,外資幾乎不捧場金控股,能賣就賣。其餘還有外資持股高的權值股,如電子、傳產的龍頭股,像是台積電、矽品 澎湖民宿、鴻海、中鋼、台泥、宏碁等。法人認為,短期間台股還隨美股波動時期,先避開外資持股高的個股為宜。  .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 房地產  .


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          仲夏八仙山 串鼻龍燦爛綻放 8月盛夏八仙山國家森林遊樂區內步道兩旁,不經意的可看見遠方樹叢 21世紀房屋仲介間爬滿了盛開的串鼻龍,一串串 訂做禮服白色花序,正燦爛綻放中,遊客可在園區內欣賞到 租房子如夢幻般的美麗蹤影。 串鼻龍是毛茛科鐵線蓮屬多年生藤本,其?褐藻醣膠嬪G廣泛,從海岸地區到山麓,皆可見其蹤跡,其全株被覆粗毛,以長葉攀爬他 裝潢物而上生,常生長在其他林木的樹冠及枝條上,果實頂端具長柔毛的宿存花柱,聚生成一朵朵像煙火?酒店打工諈漯G序,說起名字是有典故的,早期台灣農民常利用串鼻龍木質化的莖蔓,穿過牛鼻孔織成環狀,製成牛鼻環以便駕 酒店打工馭牛隻,只是隨著時代變遷,牛鼻環已由銅環取代,耕耘機也逐漸取代了牛隻,而串鼻龍的功用也逐漸被遺忘。 八仙山國家森林遊樂區一 租辦公室向以自然森林資源景觀著名,夏季園區森林綠意盎然,溪水潺潺,趁著陽光普照的好天氣全家出遊,共享天倫之樂。 八仙山國家森林遊樂區 小額信貸http://travel.network.com.tw/tourguide/point/showpage/212.html 台中旅遊網http://taichung.network.com.tw/ 引用 CTIN台灣旅遊聯盟-謝文綺 酒店經紀  .


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          兩性保健:騎馬, 游泳讓你更會「打床仗」 做愛消耗大量體能,平時運動健身,鍛鍊充沛體力,自然遊刃有餘。哪些運動和 景觀設計「床上」運動相近呢?中醫師謝蓮樺建議,騎馬狀態與性愛 房屋貸款類似,游泳增強耐力、鍛鍊臀部,勤於鍛鍊,可增強性功能。 騎馬 強 關鍵字廣告化腰臀肌肉 騎馬是騎師與馬匹的雙人舞,自以為是的人上了馬,恐怕會被摔落馬,懂得觀察?信用貸款B與馬互動、取得信任後,才能駕馭自如。 謝蓮樺說,騎馬時的精神狀態,觀察、互動、信任與駕馭,與性?小型辦公室R異曲同工,懂得掌握馬匹的男人,上了床肯定是好情人。 騎馬鍛鍊全身肌肉,還能提高男人的協調性、反應能力,尤其能打造 結婚強健的大腿、臀腰肌肉,正好是男性功能的關鍵部位。 游泳 練出性感圓臀 游泳是全身鍜鍊的運動,直接鍛鍊到性生活運用較多部位的肌?保濕面膜蛂A例如雙臂、雙腿、腰腹部等,脫了衣服後,勻稱結實的肌肉,會讓女伴「凍未條」。 游泳還能增強耐力、心肺功能,儲備充沛體力,尤其雙腳踩踏擺動,雕塑出 借貸渾圓性感的臀部,最能吸引女性目光。 瑜伽 貓式延展耐力 謝蓮樺說,瑜伽運動中,有招「貓伸展式」,如同小貓伸展四肢,男性雙腳跪地,臀部坐在後腳跟上,此時手掌觸地、 訂做禮服雙臂盡量往前伸展,臀部要保持不動,維持15秒後,在緩慢放鬆、上身恢復直立。 貓伸展式舒展手臂、肩頸與背部,能紓解疲勞,放鬆身體,同時能增強性耐力。 【元氣周報/記者洪敬浤/報導】 591  .


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          白河蓮花活動 交 通 指 引 南下 (台北 -- 台南) 1.從中山高速公路南下水上交流道,循台一線茄苳路口(顯濟宮 房屋貸款牌樓)左轉往蓮潭。 2.由南二高白河交流道下 買屋網,轉172(中正路)往關子嶺,左轉南93竹門綠色隧道可抵達賞蓮區。 開幕活動3.南下車輛由中山高速公路或南二高速公路經由82快速道路轉165縣道(中山路)進入 個人信貸白河。(嘉義 -- 台南) *嘉義市區循吳鳳南路(阿里山線)或民生南路進入白河鎮。北上(高雄 -- 台南 租屋)1.中山高速公路北上下新營交流道(加油站左轉長榮路)循台一線往北接南172(中正路)進入白河鎮, 或直行至後壁火 關鍵字廣告車站前右轉接南172甲(三民路)進入白河鎮。 2.楠西往曾文水庫循觀光產業道路往橫路至南寮福安宮往關子嶺溫泉區進入白河鎮。 禮服 龍泉食堂風味餐  七菜一湯,價格公道合理,好吃讓您來白河除了可以賞蓮、泡湯、還可以飽足一頓。 超好吃的合菜才1500元哦,很適合全 房地產家或者同學們。另外!龍泉食堂也有接遊覽車的生意哦!    荷葉香飯  荷葉圓連連,包起了蓮子和米香更有味道,要吃「巧」的,點心時間最佳選擇?節能燈具C 「荷葉」具有特殊的香氣,用濃郁米香、蓮子綿密細緻的口感、加入調味料搭配荷葉特殊香氣,再放在蒸籠上蒸熟後,有著一股濃郁的荷葉芬香四處飄散,就是一道美味可口風味 澎湖民宿餐點。  .


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          看完後你就知道女孩子是不是真心喜歡你 看完後你就知道女孩子是不是真心喜歡你 1.真正愛你的女孩,在別人面前總是野蠻,只會為你溫柔, 系統傢俱眼淚特別多. 2.真正愛你的女孩,總是會對你說別抽煙,盡管她知道你改不了,還是不耐 酒店經紀煩的說. 3.真正愛你的女孩,無時無刻都想知道你在干什麼. 4.真正愛你的女孩,會為你晚回家而著急,然後?襯衫ㄟ悸熊鳩A手機撥電話,直到手機沒電. 5.真正愛你的女孩,不會管你錢,而你自然會心甘情願的把所有錢都給她. 6.真正愛 酒店兼職你的女孩,不許你在她面前誇別的女孩子漂亮,也許她心裡也那麼想,但是不許你在她面前那麼說. 7.真正愛你的女孩,會想盡辦法給你好吃 永慶房屋的東西,因為她們願意和分享一切她們最好的. 8.真正愛你的女孩,會在你氣她的時候,默不作聲,然後紅著臉,嘟著嘴,等你去哄她. 9.真正愛你的女孩,有 婚禮顧問時候會在你面前變得無理取鬧,撒嬌任性. 10.真正愛你的女孩,會特別在意你在兄弟面前的面子. 11.真正愛你的女孩,不會跟你生氣,總是假裝生氣,你說兩句好話便 房屋貸款馬上開心真正愛你的女孩,如果你總是在她面前提到她和別的男生,她會馬上淚如雨下. 12.真正愛你的女孩,記得所有你們一起有意義的日子,並且為你送上驚喜. 13.真正愛你的女孩,希望你在每年 網路行銷生日的時候都許下同一個願望,就是永遠和她在一起真正愛你的女孩,不會干涉你太多,她們願意永遠做你背後的女人. 14.真正愛你的女孩,她的一切都在證明,你是她生命中唯一的男人 15.真正愛你的女孩 濾桶,會提醒你做人要講文明,看完別人的貼,不管男人女人,回帖的才是好人! .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 西裝  .


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